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Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

Erstellt von DisainaM, 22.02.2007, 22:49 Uhr · 17 Antworten · 895 Aufrufe

  1. #11
    Chak3
    Avatar von Chak3

    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Zitat Zitat von woody",p="455935
    Und was die Beliebtheit angeht, der Premier Surayud hat bei der letzten Meinungsumfrage seine Werte nochmals verbessert und liegt mit ueber 40% unangefochten an der Spitze. Sein Vorgaenger Taksin liegt weit abgeschlagen in der Beliebtheit, bei nicht einmal mehr 20%.
    Gerade heute steht in der Nation:
    The popular rating of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont among Bangkokians has further dropped from 39.2 to 34.8 per cent, an opinion survey has found.

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  3. #12
    woody
    Avatar von woody

    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Die Bangkoker sind den anderen halt immer etwas voraus ;-D

  4. #13
    Avatar von DisainaM

    Registriert seit
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    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Zitat Zitat von woody",p="455941
    Die "neue Wirtschaftspolitik" unter dem Stichwort "Self-Sufficieny" ist wohl urpruenglich eine Idee des Koenigs?
    sie war vom König angedacht worden,
    doch die jetzige Umsetzung erinnert mehr an ein Programm,

    sämtliche Alt-Verträge und Alt-Zusagen der Thaksin Ära zu kippen,
    um danach über die Entscheidung und Vergabe neu zu verhandeln.

    Dies ist im Grunde nichts neues, kennt man die Technik doch aus allen Ländern, wo eine Unterstützungszahlung an Politiker bei der Entscheidungsfindung hilft. Kommt es zu einem Machtwechsel, wollen alle neu besetzten Stellen erstmal aus den Alt-Verträgen raus, da werden natürlich grundsätzlich Fehlentscheidungen der Vorgänger gerügt,
    um dann selber wieder Entscheidungsverantwortung zu haben.

    Ob nun die neue Garde sich ebenfalls alimentieren läßt, läßt sich am besten an den Beliebtheitswerten der Bevölkerung ablesen,
    denn sie registrieren, ob es zu altem Wein in neuen Schläuchen kommt, oder ob wirklich einer Vision des Königs gefolgt wird, und man daher nur schlechte Entscheidungen korrigieren will, aber gute Entscheidungen der Thaksinzeit bleiben bestehen.

  5. #14
    woody
    Avatar von woody

    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Zitat Zitat von DisainaM",p="456060
    ...Ob nun die neue Garde sich ebenfalls alimentieren läßt, läßt sich am besten an den Beliebtheitswerten der Bevölkerung ablesen.....
    Dass die Bevoelkerung in Thailand nicht so denkt, wie du vermutest, kann man, an den immer noch hohen Werten fuer Taksin ablesen. Der wohl ohne Zweifel die groessten Korruptionsfaelle die Thailand jemals erlebte, zu verantworten hat.

  6. #15
    Avatar von DisainaM

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    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Thaksin hat auf die law and order Karte gesetzt,
    wie man bei seinem Drogenkriegsehen konnte,

    ganz im Sinne der Bush-Linie, die auch beim Einsatz von Klusterbomden eine hohe Quote von Kollateralschäden billigt,

    war und steht die Bevölkerung heute noch ganz hinter diesem Kurs.

    Natürlich sind in den letzten Tagen Statistiken veröffentlicht worden, die seit dem Abgang von Thaksin einen neuen Schub von Drogendelikten registrieren.

    Man kann natürlich sagen, dass Hardcore-Thaksin-Polizisten, nun eine neue Drogenwelle inzinieren, um die Hilflosigkeit der jetzigen Regierung vorzuführen,
    aber das muß man abwarten.

    http://groups.google.com/group/soc.c...c25242239d8796

    Das man mit einem harten Kurs in Strafrechtssachen immer hohe Bevölkerungszustimmung erntet, zeigen auch deutsche Umfragen zu gewünschten Urteilen über ..............,

    ist also im Grunde nichts neues

    (bei ...... hatte jeder Arbeit, und es wurden massenhaft Autobahnen gebaut ...)

  7. #16
    Avatar von Loso

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    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Wie schätzt ihr eigentlich den Rückkehr zu einer Parteien-Demokratie ein? Im Grunde ist die derzeitige Form ja eine quasi Ein-Parteien-Regierung der nationen Einheit, und die Oposition wird nur von den Medien wahrgenommen. Immerhin sind schon 5 Monate ins Land gegangen, und der avisierte Wahltermin Ende des Jahres rückt damit näher.

    Der kurz nach dem Putsch verkündete Wahltermin war offensichtich gewählt, um ausreichend Zeit für die Schwächung der Taksin-Strukturen -auch in den Köpfen der Bevölkerung - zu bekommen. Andererseits ist für mich bisher leider überhaupt nicht wahrnehmbar, dass sich die dann zur Wahl stellenden Parteien trotz des mittlerweile aufgehobenen Kriegsrechtes - und damit dem Verbot politischer Betätigung - in der Öffentlichkeit profilieren. Insbesondere die stärkste Oppositionspartei (die Democratic Party) müsste doch mal langsam was für ihr Image tun. Das Versagen der Opposition ist m.E. nicht unerheblich an der verfahrenen Situation ab Februar vergangenen Jahres schuldig, wo die einzige Opposition die der "Strasse" um den Medien-Mogul Sonthi war.

    Was meint ihr?

  8. #17
    Avatar von x-pat

    Registriert seit
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    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    Loso: Wie schätzt ihr eigentlich den Rückkehr zu einer Parteien-Demokratie ein?

    Die Rückkehr zu einer parlamentarischen Demokratie wird stattfinden, denn es gibt in Thailand keine bedeutende politische Kraft, die dies nicht will. Allerdings bekomme ich langsam das Gefühl, dass dies später sein wird als ursprünglich angekündigt.

    Surayud ist (trotz mancher PR Schwäche) eine ausgezeichnete Führungspersönlichkeit, was man leider nicht von allen Herren im jetzigen Kabinett sagen kann. Leider kann und will er das Land nicht alleine regieren. Insofern hoffe ich, dass es nicht allzu lange dauert bis eine "richtige" Regierung die Macht übernimmt.

    Loso: Insbesondere die stärkste Oppositionspartei (die Democratic Party) müsste doch mal langsam was für ihr Image tun. Das Versagen der Opposition ist m.E. nicht unerheblich an der verfahrenen Situation ab Februar vergangenen Jahres schuldig, wo die einzige Opposition die der "Strasse" um den Medien-Mogul Sonthi war.

    Da bin ich ganz deiner Meinung. Zwar ist noch ein Verfahren gegen die Partei in der Schwebe, die ihre Auflösung bedeuten könnte, aber wenn es eine Zeit zur politischen Neu-Formierung gibt, dann ist diese JETZT. Hoffen wir, dass sie die Gelegenheit nicht verpassen.

    Cheers, X-Pat

  9. #18
    Avatar von DisainaM

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    Re: Götterdämmerung - NATION+BKK Post kritisieren Gen Sonthi

    nun schlägt die Asian Times in die gleiche Richtung :

    Thai coup makers losing their grip
    By Rodney Tasker

    Far from being the authoritarian ogre once dutifully denounced by Western governments, Thailand's military-installed government appears instead to be too soft and rapidly losing its way.

    The robust support it once enjoyed domestically from mainly urban circles is withering, as those who earlier viewed last year's September 19 coup as the only option to remove entrenched former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra become increasingly restless amid a series of botched political and economic moves.

    Wednesday's surprise resignation of Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Pridiyathorn Devakula represents the latest lurch that has undermined domestic and foreign confidence in the interim government's stability.

    Pridiyathorn was the military government's chief economic lieutenant and widely viewed as the architect of the government's controversial December 19 decision to impose capital controls on certain types of foreign investments to curb appreciation of the baht, a contrarian move that caused a record single-day drop on the Thai bourse.

    He also sent a series of confusing signals to foreign investors when revealing tentative government plans to amend the Foreign Business Act, including legal changes to foreigner investors' ability to use local nominees in structuring their Thailand-based investments that raised concerns that the government could eventually expropriate certain types of foreign investments.

    Nevertheless, it is unclear if Pridiyathorn's departure will allay or accentuate foreign investor concerns about the interim government's economic stewardship.

    Meanwhile, the current leadership of serving and retired generals, aged bureaucrats and technocrats is proving an ineffective political match for the wily self-exiled Thaksin. The former premier seems to be able to run rings around his post-coup successors as he hops from country to country, giving media interviews in which he portrays himself as a democratic victim of unelected usurpers.

    Thaksin is renowned as a master of street-level politics, while new Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont, a former army commander and privy councilor, and others now in power, are comparatively politically inexperienced and seem unable to present a coherent image to the international community.

    Central to the government's problems is its confusing authority structure. It has never been quite clear who is really in charge: Surayud, with his elderly lethargic cabinet, or General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the army commander who spearheaded the coup and now heads the ruling Council for National Security, or CNS. While Sonthi has long had respect as a professional soldier, he largely remains just that.

    He appears to grapple with affairs of state, rather than confront them decisively. He is currently in the middle of a spat with Singapore, where he has made confusing statements about his intention to regain control of three satellites, once owned by the Thaksin family's Shin Corp, and now in the hands of the Singapore government's main investment arm, Temasek.

    Surayud, while an even more respected former military figure and latterly a leading member of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej's prestigious Privy Council, is known to have been reluctant to take over as an appointed prime minister and has likewise lurched from one policy flip-flop and faux pas to another.

    The resulting situation is unsettling for those glad to see the back of a prime minister whom they saw as a totally self-serving, corrupt figure who was bent on making all of Thailand his consolidated power base and business milk-cow for his family, political allies and business cronies.

    A growing number see the current military-backed leadership as squandering a golden political opportunity to use its powers to prosecute Thaksin and his ousted band for all their alleged ill-gotten gains and regret the interim administration has not shown more fortitude in subduing lingering support for the ousted premier. Much of this remains among the rural masses who reveled in Thaksin's populist policies, not realizing that much of what they assumed were government hand-outs were in reality repayable political chits.

    Critics now point to the fact that there has been little movement on the four major issues pronounced by the coup makers as the reasons for their bloodless coup. There have been few substantial corruption cases prosecuted against any prominent Thaksin regime figures, apart from a half-hearted attempt to nail the ex-premier's wife, Pojamarn, for tax avoidance on the movement of Shin Corp shares and a dodgy land deal she entered with a government agency. In fact, Pojamarn has just been allowed to shift 500 million baht (US$14.6 million) out of accounts held in Thailand to buy property in London.

    The Bank of Thailand had initially blocked the move because Thais are only allowed to take a maximum 200 million baht out of the country without government approval. Pojamarn is known to hold substantial sway over her husband's financial management, and the sum involved indicates the fabulous wealth accumulated by Thaksin's family from its once sprawling telecommunications empire, which accelerated during his five years in political power.

    Moreover, there has been no move to prove the coup makers' claim that Thaksin had demonstrated disrespect to the monarchy, an incendiary allegation in a country where King Bhumibol is widely and deeply revered. Nothing has apparently been done on the national front to reunify a Thai society still badly polarized between Thaksin's mainly rural supporters and his urban foes who strongly supported the coup. Nor has any progress been made in proving Thaksin tampered with the workings of independent checking-and-balancing agencies, as the coup makers have alleged.

    Miscues and flip flops
    Instead, Thais have become inured to a string of mismanaged policy flip-flops. These range from dithering over whether to reopen Bangkok's old Don Muang airport as cracks appeared on the new Suvannabhumi Airport's tarmac, to upsetting foreign investors by first introducing capital controls, then curtailing them for certain types of transactions and by sending inconsistent signals about amending the Foreign Business Act. Now it appears only a handful of budget domestic carriers will return to Don Muang, and foreign investors are now completely in the dark about what the government's economic priorities are with Pridiyathorn's resignation.

    The new government was also expected to curb violence in the mainly-Muslim deep south, where Thaksin was widely seen to have mishandled the situation with a simplistic and at times brutal iron-fist policy, which whipped up resentment among the minority Muslim community. But if anything, the southern violence has got worse under Surayud's interim administration, including a coordinated 30-bomb attack between February18-19 and sustained near-daily killings. On top of this, the generals have still to find the culprits in the New Year's Eve bombing campaign in Bangkok, when three were killed as nine low-grade bombs were set off in different parts of the city.

    Perhaps the most telling sign of the current government's political ineptitude surrounded the recent saga of Somkid Jaturipitak, Thaksin's former economic czar and architect of the ex-premier's so-called "Thaksinomics" economic strategy, a mix of free-market and state-interventionist policies. Somkid recently offered his services to Surayud, who made him roving envoy to explain to international audiences Thailand's new bid to implement King Bhumibol's "sufficiency economy" concept, which favors sustainable economic development strategies over the pursuit of maximum short-term profits.

    Somkid immediately came under great pressure from anti-Thaksin groups to resign - which he did on February 21 after barely one week in office. Somkid, a former academic who has never been known to have his own political base, used his farewell news conference to paint himself as a national martyr. "The country cannot face any more division," he said, making it clear his resignation was for political reasons.

    Somkid's appointment by the Surayud government was arguably its biggest political blunder to date. While government supporters could perhaps overlook earlier mistakes, the Somkid affair was the last straw. Most of the opposition to Somkid's appointment centered on the People's Alliance for Democracy, or PAD, the mass anti-Thaksin movement that hounded the ex-premier for most of 2006, and effectively helped to spawn the September 19 coup that ousted him.

    The movement's leaders, and some academics who until now had been largely supportive of Surayud's stated strong commitment to political reform, saw through Somkid's appointment as a total political expedient to counter Thaksin's ongoing attempts to present himself internationally as a champion of democracy and an illegally ousted leader who had only the Thai people's economic welfare at heart. A turncoat Somkid would put paid to that campaign, so the theory apparently ran. Some political analysts even thought Surayud and the military chiefs might be grooming Somkid to be a military friendly leader in a future democratically elected administration.

    Two days before Somkid's departure, the PAD had bluntly told the Surayud government that Somkid's appointment was inappropriate, further divided Thai society and risked yet more confusion overseas. The protest group had threatened to withdraw its considerable support from Surayud, and by extension Sonthi and the generals.

    In effect, the government is now seen even among its strongest supporters as fumbling politically and in real danger of further crimping its already falling popularity. Five months since seizing power, Surayud's government is treading water rather than tackling head-on the evils it identified as justification for the coup. A public opinion poll conducted mainly among Bangkok-based residents showed Surayud's popularity after his early October appointment at 70%. The tally in early February indicated his approval ratings had plunged to around 40%.

    The government desperately needs to demonstrate it is capable and committed to moving faster to prove the initial reasons it pronounced for justifying the coup are indeed valid. Lingering support for Thaksin could perhaps be brought around if the government showed clearly with corroborating evidence the extent of the corruption in the ex-premier's government.

    Because of its constitutional duty to uphold and protect the monarchy, many Thais are not as inherently opposed to military or even authoritarian-style civilian rule, as are various other regional countries. Clearly the current leadership needs a firmer, steadier hand on the helm to show the Thai masses that even in an interim capacity it represents a credible and attractive alternative to Thaksin's populism.

    Yet time is running short before general elections are held in or around October, when unless credible charges have been presented and proven, the still popular businessman-...-politician might - much to the coup makers chagrin - still be a political factor.

    Rodney Tasker was a longtime correspondent for the Far Eastern Economic Review, where he covered the ins and outs of the Thai military throughout the 1980s and 1990s and famously predicted the 1991 coup. He is semi-retired in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai.
    http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southea.../IC01Ae03.html

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