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Beuteverteilung der Drogengewinne mit burmesischer Regierung gescheitert

Erstellt von DisainaM, 02.10.2010, 05:06 Uhr · 0 Antworten · 717 Aufrufe

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    Beuteverteilung der Drogengewinne mit burmesischer Regierung gescheitert

    Jahrelang war zwischen der Regierung und den Yabba Herstellern ein stillschweigendes Agreement.

    Als die burmesische Armee vor ca 50 Jahren in die unabhaengigen Shaan Staaten einmarschierten, schwieg die Weltoeffentlichkeit.

    Vor 20 Jahren begannen militaerische Untergrundeinheiten damit,
    sich durch die Herrstellung von Yabbaa zu refinanzieren,
    und partiell ihre ethnische Volksgruppe am Wohlstand mit teil zu haben.

    Nun zeichnet sich ein Ende des Abkommens mit der Regierung ab,
    und eine neue ethnische Saeuberung von burmas Verantwortlichen.

    Trouble in the Golden Triangle
    By The Nation

    Cracks in the long-standing ceasefire between the Burmese army and ethnic rebel groups mean that Thailand must brace for a massive influx of refugees

    The Burmese sector of the infamous Golden Triangle is once again the centre of the world's attention, and this time around the outcome could be bloody, as well as a big headache for Thailand and China.

    Thai and Chinese authorities along the Burma border are poised for the possible influx of more than 100,000 refugees if the Burmese junta ends its long-standing ceasefire with groups such as the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and turns the clock back to enter into an all-out fight.

    The 1989 ceasefire agreements between the ruling junta and these ethnic armies have effectively been shattered following the toppling of the Chinese Kokang group last year. Since then, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has stepped up pressure on the ceasefire groups to surrender their territory and come under the direct command of the government's army. The junta wants to turn them into border guards.

    Essentially, this mean groups such as the UWSA, the Chin, Kachin, and many others who entered into ceasefire agreements with the government two decades ago following the fall of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), will no longer enjoy the autonomous status that permits them to engage in all sorts of economic activity, including the trade in illegal drugs.

    Apologists for the Burmese junta could argue that putting an end to these ethnic armies and their autonomous status will put an end to the narcotics business.

    But according to a recently released report by the Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN), groups that have decided to come under the direct chain of command of the SPDC have now replaced groups such as the UWSA as the major drug producers in the region. The new-found status of the former groups has given them the freedom to engage in these illicit activities, the report argued.

    SHAN estimated that there are about 400 different militia groups in northern Shan State alone. A number of their leaders are wanted in Thailand as well as by the US federal courts for heroin

    Moreover, it is an open secret that profits from the illicit drug trade go to finance infrastructure development, build towns and fatten the bank accounts of Burma's top brass.

    Millions of methamphetamine tablets coming out of this rugged region flood the cities and streets of Thailand on a weekly basis.
    One can safely argue that Thailand's bad habit is not Burma's top concern. Burma's priority has always been security and this time around, military solutions appear to be the path being taken by the SPDC.

    The Chinese government has urged the SPDC not to give up on political options, but so far, the junta doesn't appear to be interested in this suggestion. An age-old belief has it that only the Chinese can talk the Burmese out of doing anything. But with the routing of the Kokang Chinese outfit, that myth has pretty much been shattered.

    To be fair to Burma, any normal country wants a secure border. This means no rebel armies operating freely in pockets of territory along its border.

    But then again, it can also be argued that drugs and insurgency in Burma are two sides of the same coin. In other words, no drug-enforcement policy can have any chance of success without an adequate solution for all stakeholders.

    Thailand has a long history of receiving refugees from neighbouring countries. Currently there are scores of refugee camps dotted along the Thailand-Burma border, housing hundreds of thousands of refugees from Burma. Any move to send them back into Burma would likely draw strong condemnation from the international community. And as a responsible member of the international community, Thailand should not consider such a move, at least not until the areas that the refugees are returning to are known to be safe.

    But with the latest developments, say military officials along the border, the entire region could very well go up in smoke. They point to the ongoing tension between the SPDC and ethnic armies who are determined to maintain the status quo. Surrendering their commands to the Burmese army would mean an end to the very existence of their movements and whatever separatist dream they may have. It could also mean an end to their lucrative businesses, which include the drug trade.

    Thailand must think long and hard, especially about the logistical challenges that would come with the influx of hundreds of thousands of refugees. The "good neighbour" policy of the 1970s that permitted hundreds of thousands of refugees from Indochina to enter the country should be reassessed; adjustments that have to be made must be made.

    -- The Nation 2010-10-02


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